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29 October 1941

29 October 1941

29 October 1941

October 1941

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Kaunas pogrom

The Kaunas pogrom was a massacre of Jews living in Kaunas, Lithuania, that took place on June 25–29, 1941 – the first days of the Operation Barbarossa and of Nazi occupation of Lithuania. The most infamous incident occurred at the garage of NKVD Kaunas section, a nationalized garage of Lietūkis, where several dozen Jewish men, allegedly associates of NKVD, were publicly tortured and executed on June 27 in front of a crowd of Lithuanian men, women and children. The incident was documented by a German soldier who photographed the event as a man, nicknamed the "Death Dealer" beat each man to death with a metal bar. After June, systematic executions took place at various forts of the Kaunas Fortress, especially the Seventh and Ninth Fort. [1]

Kaunas massacre of October 29, 1941

By the order of SS-Standartenführer Karl Jäger and SS-Rottenführer Helmut Rauca, the Sonderkommando under the leadership of SS-Obersturmführer Joachim Hamann, and 8 to 10 men from Einsatzkommando 3, murdered 2,007 Jewish men, 2,920 women, and 4,273 children in a single day at the Ninth Fort, Kaunas, Lithuania. [2]

The Nazis destroyed the small ghetto on October 4, 1941, and killed almost all of its inhabitants at the Ninth Fort. Later that same month, on October 28, SS-Rottenführer Helmut Rauca of the Kaunas Gestapo (secret state police) conducted the selection in the Kaunas Ghetto. [3] All ghetto inhabitants were forced to assemble in the central square of the ghetto. Rauca selected 9,200 Jewish men, women, and children, about one-third of the ghetto's population. [1] The next day, October 29, all of these people were shot at the Ninth Fort in huge pits dug in advance. [2]

  1. ^ abKovno 1940-1944 TimelineArchived January 16, 2009, at the Wayback Machine
  2. ^ ab Nikzentaitis, Alvydas Nikžentaitis, Alvydas Schreiner, Stefan Staliūnas, Darius (2004). The Vanished World of Lithuanian Jews By Alvydas Nikžentaitis, Stefan Schreiner, Darius Staliūnas, Leonidas Donskis. ISBN9042008504 . Retrieved 2014-01-03 .
  3. ^
  4. Eilat Gordin Levitan. "Elchanan Elkes, Kovno Stories". Eilatgordinlevitan.com . Retrieved 2014-01-03 .

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The 29 Go On Trial

From Fourth International, Vol.2 No.8, October 1941, pp.227-229.
Transcribed, Edited & Formatted by Ted Crawford & David Walters in 2008 for the ETOL.

On the 20th of this month there begins, in the Federal court room in Minneapolis, the trial of the 29 defendants in the government’s “seditious conspiracy” case against the Socialist Workers Party and Local 544-CIO.

This date was set by Federal Judge Matthew M. Joyce on September II, when he upheld the indictment against the defendants’ demurrer. Five weeks was all that the judge would permit the defendants to prepare trial. The Federal prosecutor, acting under orders from Washington, was successful in persuading the judge not to grant the defendants further time in which to prepare their case. Attorney General Francis Biddle is anxious to push through this case and secure a conviction as soon as possible.

Those who remember the facility with which A. Mitchell Palmer, Mr. Biddle’s notorious predecessor and model, railroaded radical defendants to prison under wartime conditions, cannot permit themselves any illusions about the probable outcome of this case.

“But the charges are so fantastic! They can’t make them stick!” say many friends of the defendants. Many other people who care nothing for the defendants, but have some concern for constitutionalism and decent legal formalities, express the same illusion. When the indictment drawn up by the Department of justice was first published (the full text appeared in the August, 1941 issue of the Fourth International), the liberal organs – The Nation, The New Republic, the New York Post, the St. Louis Post Dispatch, etc. – found the charges so far-fetched and unreasonable that they could hardly believe that the government would go through with the case. But the government has already succeeded in putting the case at the head of the calendar, setting the trial for the 20th of October.

Reactionary governments do many “fantastic” things. That does not lessen the effect of those actions. To convict the defendants on such flimsy charges is indeed fantastic, but so is war and militarism, capitalist dictatorship and exploitation. These things shouldn’t be but they are.

What the Government Has Already Done

What could happen in this trial which would be more outrageous and undemocratic than that which the government has already done up to now in its all-out attempt to crush Local 544-CIO? This union, under the same leadership which had built the union in 1934 and which has remained uninterruptedly at the helm until now, decided by democratic decision to disaffiliate from the AFL Teamsters and to accept a charter from the CIO. That decision was taken on June 9, whereupon began a series of open government acts to drive the membership of the union to abandon the union and to rejoin the AFL as individual members. One can hardly conceive of anything more “fantastic” than AFL Teamster chief Daniel J. Tobin’s telegram of June 13 to President Roosevelt and Roosevelt’s immediate reply. Tobin told Roosevelt: “The withdrawal from the International Union by the truck drivers’ union, Local 544 and one other small union in Minneapolis, and their affiliation with the CIO is indeed a regrettable and dangerous condition. The officers of this local union . were requested to disassociate themselves from the radical Trotsky organization . We feel that while our country is in a dangerous position, those disturbers must be in some way prevented from pursuing this dangerous course.” Stephen Early, Roosevelt’s secretary, immediately issued a statement from the White House which said in part: “When I advised the President of Tobin’s representations this morning, he asked me to immediately have the Government departments and agencies interested in this matter notified.” (New York Times, June 14, 1941.)

And two weeks after this threat from the White House came the June 27 FBI raids on the Minneapolis and St. Paul headquarters of the Socialist Workers Party. And then on July 15 came the indictment of the 29 who are now to go on trial. Everyone in the Twin Cities understood the meaning of these moves. In reporting the FBI raids the St. Paul Dispatch of June 28 came out with an eight-column front page streamer: “US to prosecute Local 544-CIO.” And the press on that day carried Attorney General Biddle’s formal announcement on the raids: “The principal Socialist Workers Party leaders, against whom prosecution is being brought, are also leaders of Local 544-CIO in Minneapolis (who) have gained control of a legitimate labor union to use it for illegitimate purposes.”

Then came a stream of additional government actions against the union. One was the arrest of one of its organizers, Carl Skoglund, on deportation charges – a man who has lived forty years in this country! Another was a Federal indictment in Sioux City, Iowa, against the Local 544 secretary-treasurer, Kelly Postal, on a charge that it was now suddenly discovered that Postal allegedly had something to do with an old strike – a case which had been worked up several years before by the FBI against several Iowa and North Dakota teamsters’ union leaders and the trials of which had been over for two years. Thus encouraged by the Federal authorities, indictments also showered down from the state courts on “embezzlement” charges against the union leaders for failure to turn over the Local 544 treasury to Tobin.

The Latest Outrage

Permit us to skip over much of the rest of the story and come down to the latest “fantastic” government act against the union.

Tobin admitted in his June 13 telegram to Roosevelt that what he was confronted with was “the withdrawal from the International Union by the truck drivers’ union, Local 544.” That did not stop either Tobin or the government departments from directly denying to the membership of the union the right to withdraw from Tobin’s International. Tobin set up a rival �-AFL” which proceeded in collaboration with the bosses and the labor-hating governor Stassen to sign contracts ostensibly covering all the workers in the industry. Local 544-CIO thereupon proposed to settle the issue by elections, by secret ballot under government supervision, to determine which union actually represented the men. Local 544-CIO filed a series of petitions with State Labor Conciliator Blair and the National Labor Relations Board, asking for such elections. The proverbial man from Mars might think that such elections would be the only way to settle the question. But the State and National Labor Relations Board – i.e., the authorities in Washington -decided otherwise. State Labor Conciliator Blair ruled on only one of the election petitions of Local 544-CIO, that covering the furniture industries he solemnly ruled that because Local 544-CIO had called a strike in this industry on the basis of strike notices which had been filed prior to the union’s disaffiliation from the AFL, the union was not entitled to the protection of the State Labor Law and was therefore not entitled to an election. Then Blair, instead of going through the painful process of concocting similar pretexts for ruling against the rest of the Local 544-CIO election petitions, proceeded to hold hearings on a Tobin petition to certify the AFL as the bargaining agent for the entire industry without elections. At the hearings hundreds of truck drivers testified that they remained loyal to 544-CIO and wanted elections. The sole witnesses at the hearings for the AFL were its paid officers. Yet, on September 19, State Labor Conciliator Blair certified without elections the Tobin “union” as the official bargaining agent for the entire motor transport industry of Minneapolis! And on that same day, obviously by prearrangement, the National Labor Relations Board rejected all the CIO petitions for elections.

There was one other way for Local 544-CIO to prove conclusively that it is the union which represents the workers in the motor transport industry. That was to strike. If the government and the employers would permit of no other way to count the union’s members, they could count them on the picket-lines.

But that method was also closed by the state government to Local 544-CIO. Minnesota’s “labor” law requires unions to submit strike notices to the state administration and to observe a “cooling off” period. Local 544-CIO submitted such strike notices. The administration rejected them under various pretexts as “illegal.” Then the employers went into the courts and secured injunctions forbidding Local 544ClO to strike.

Thus a situation was created in which, if the union called any section of the workers out on strike, the judges would have been able to put those workers and their leaders into jail, without trial, for contempt of court for violating the injunction! Under these conditions it was impossible for the union to prove its strength by its ability to enforce strikes.

One need hardly record more than these cold facts to dramatize the well-nigh unbelievable outrageousness of this government onslaught against a union which, as everybody in the Twin Cities knows, is the real union of the transport workers of Minneapolis. “Fantastic” – but this is the record of what the government has done.

In the light of this record, one can begin to understand what kangaroo proceedings are being prepared against the defendants when the trial opens on October 20. If Roosevelt on June 13 did not hesitate to publicly align himself with Tobin against the CIO, against a union which had, admittedly by democratic decision, joined the CIO if Attorney General Biddle did not hesitate to conduct the June 27 demonstrative raids against the Socialist Workers Party as a means of frightening the membership of Local 544-CIO if the National Labor Relations Board, just reorganized to Roosevelt’s satisfaction, did not hesitate to refuse the truck drivers of Minneapolis their elementary right to an election then Biddle’s flunkeys will hesitate at nothing in railroading the defendants to jail.

Necessitated by Roosevelt’s War Policy

There are well-meaning people who find it hard to believe that the government will trample the Bill of Rights underfoot to aid Roosevelt’s chief labor lieutenant and punish forthright opponents of his war program. We refer these people to the findings of the American Civil Liberties Union. Undoubtedly the governing board of the American Civil Liberties Union, largely composed of friends of the administration, did not like to believe that Tobin was being aided by the government. Nevertheless after a careful investigation, in a letter of August 20 to Attorney General Biddle, the American Civil Liberties Union regretfully comes to the conclusion “that the government injected itself into an interunion controversy in order to promote the interests of the one side (Tobin) which supported the administration’s foreign and domestic policies.”

The “foreign and domestic policies” of Roosevelt are, of course, his war program. We have seen in recent months the lengths to which Roosevelt has gone in putting over his design to plunge the country into war. He has systematically violated the Constitution of the United States which grants to Congress the sole power to involve this country in war. He has not dared to pursue a constitutional course, for even a Congress as conservative as the present one is subject in some degree to the pressure of the masses of the American people. And the masses of the American people are opposed to this country’s involvement in the war. Against the will of the American people, Roosevelt pursues his war course and in that course he must go to any lengths to crush all possible rallying points of mass opposition to the war.

Local 544-CIO came into conflict with Tobin primarily over the question of Roosevelt’s war policy. Tobin found it possible to keep hands off the militant leadership of Local 544 from 1936 to 1941. Tobin hated the union’s famous weekly, The Northwest Organizer, which has consistently pursued an anti-war, anti-Roosevelt policy but until the heightening of the war crisis, Tobin held back from a head-on clash. His greed for per-capita dues collections – Local 544 was responsible for organizing 200,000 over-the-road drivers into the International in the North Central Area – overcame Tobin’s aversion to the radicalism of the Local 544CIO leadership. Until the deepening of the war crisis, and until Roosevelt cracked the whip for his labor lieutenants to line up the workers for war. Then Tobin moved against 544, and the union local went over to the CIO. Whereupon Tobin turned for aid to Roosevelt and it was readily granted to him, and that aid includes railroading the 29 defendants in the “seditious conspiracy” trial.

The Meaning of This Trial

This trial has a transcendent political and historical importance. That is why we Trotskyists can face it confidently, regardless of the immediate consequences for those who are personally involved. The very desperation of these acts of the government against the Socialist Workers Party and a single local union is a revealing indication of the utter insecurity of the ruling class and its government. They enter this war with the blackest fears for the future of the capitalist class. We, on the contrary, enter this trial with the firm assurance that this skirmish in the class struggle will be followed by gigantic class battles, in which the workers will be victorious. Those battles will free the defendants from Roosevelt’s jail if, in spite of law and justice, he succeeds in putting them there.

The task of the defendants and their supporters is to make every worker in this country understand the meaning of this skirmish. If we can do that, the workers will be all the better prepared to win the great battles which are coming – and are coming sooner than many dream.

This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Trotskism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above.

Riding the Rails

During the Great Depression, millions of people were out of work across the United States. Unable to find another job locally, many unemployed people hit the road, traveling from place to place, hoping to find some work. A few of these people had cars, but most hitchhiked or "rode the rails."

A large portion of the people who rode the rails were teenagers, but there were also older men, women, and entire families who traveled in this manner. They would board freight trains and crisscross the country, hoping to find a job in one of the towns along the way.

Historica Graphica Collection / Heritage Images / Getty Images

When there was a job opening, there were often literally a thousand people applying for the same job. Those who weren't lucky enough to get the job would perhaps stay in a shantytown (known as "Hoovervilles") outside of town. Housing in the shantytown was built out of any material that could be found freely, like driftwood, cardboard, or even newspapers.

The farmers who had lost their homes and land usually headed west to California, where they heard rumors of agricultural jobs. Unfortunately, although there was some seasonal work, the conditions for these families were transient and hostile.

Since many of these farmers came from Oklahoma and Arkansas, they were called the derogatory names of "Okies" and "Arkies." (The stories of these migrants to California were immortalized in the fictional book, "The Grapes of Wrath" by John Steinbeck.)

Dick Lewis/NY Daily News Archive via Getty Images

On May 29, 1930, the U.S. Department of War—which had invited the families of veterans killed during World War I to visit their graves in Europe—denied a petition by Black mothers and spouses to travel on the same ship as white families and instead forced them to travel on segregated boats.

With the support of the NAACP, a group of 55 Black mothers and widows, known as Gold Star women, from 21 different states petitioned President Hoover, asking him to allow all of the grieving women to travel together.

“When the call to arms came from our government in 1917,” they wrote, “mothers, sisters and wives, regardless of race, color or creed, were asked to give their loved ones to the end that the world might be saved for democracy. This call we answered freely and willingly. In the years which have passed since death took our loved ones our anguish and sorrow have been assuaged by the realization that our loved ones who rest in the soil of France gave their lives to the end that the world might be a better place in which to live for all men, of all races and all colors.”

“Twelve years after the Armistice, the high principles of 1918 seem to have been forgotten. We who gave and who are colored are insulted by the implication that we are not fit persons to travel with other bereaved ones. Instead of making up parties of Gold Star Mothers on the basis of geographical location we are set aside in a separate group, Jim Crowed, separated and insulted.”

The petition was referred from President Hoover to the War Department, which ultimately declined the Black families’ request on May 29, 1930.

Though Black veterans bravely fought for democracy and freedom during World War I, many returned home to find their own freedom denied. It was not uncommon for family members of veterans to also be mistreated and subjected to racism and abuse, as was the case here.

Rather than being honored for their service, Black veterans and their families were often the targets of horrible discrimination, mistreatment, and even murder, at the hands of white Americans determined to reinforce white supremacy and to prevent the veterans from fighting for racial equality at home.

To learn more about the culture of targeted physical violence and social humiliation that Black veterans and their families were subjected to, read EJI’s report Lynching in America: Targeting Black Veterans.


Welcome to the Asian Patent Attorneys Association Council Meeting 2021 (APAA 2021).

The 2021 Council Meeting will be hosted at the Gold Coast Convention & Exhibition Centre which is located in the Broadbeach precinct, South-East Queensland Australia. This beach side location features more than 3,000 accommodation rooms and over 100 restaurants and cafés all within a short walk of the Conference Centre. November is the ideal time to visit the Gold Coast. With over 300 days of sunshine a year, the Gold Coast provides the perfect climate for exploration of its many attractions.

This meeting will bring together APAA members and observers from around the globe to discuss the latest developments, issues and policies in intellectual property law in the Asian region. As usual there will be a number of educational sessions and presentations delivered by leading practitioners in the industry which will provide members and observers with a chance to expand their knowledge of intellectual property law. And of course we have an exciting social program organised for attendees to interact with old friends and make new ones. Check back regularly for the latest updates on the meeting, or sign up to our mailing list.

29 October 1941 - History

to evolve (v)- to change little by little

spirit (n)- ghost, some people believe the spirit and body separate when a person dies

holy (adj)- sacred, very good, related to religion. Hallow comes from the word holy.

saint (n)- an honored, holy person

evil (adj)- very, very bad

lantern (n)- lamp or enclosed light that can be carried around

turnip (n)- a purple and white vegetable that grows in the ground

Like many other holidays, Halloween has evolved and changed throughout history. Over 2,000 years ago people called the Celts lived in what is now Ireland, the UK, and parts of Northern France. November 1 was their New Year's Day. They believed that the night before the New Year (October 31) was a time when the living and the dead came together.

More than a thousand years ago the Christian church named November 1 All Saints Day (also called All Hallows.) This was a special holy day to honor the saints and other people who died for their religion. The night before All Hallows was called Hallows Eve. Later the name was changed to Halloween.

Like the Celts, the Europeans of that time also believed that the spirits of the dead would visit the earth on Halloween. They worried that evil spirits would cause problems or hurt them. So on that night people wore costumes that looked like ghosts or other evil creatures. They thought if they dressed like that, the spirits would think they were also dead and not harm them.

The tradition of Halloween was carried to America by the immigrating Europeans. Some of the traditions changed a little, though. For example, on Halloween in Europe some people would carry lanterns made from turnips. In America, pumpkins were more common. So people began putting candles inside them and using them as lanterns. That is why you see Jack 'o lanterns today.

These days Halloween is not usually considered a religious holiday. It is primarily a fun day for children. Children dress up in costumes like people did a thousand years ago. But instead of worrying about evil spirits, they go from house to house. They knock on doors and say "trick or treat." The owner of each house gives candy or something special to each trick or treater.

Check Your Understanding

True or False. Check your answers below.

1. The Celts thought the spirits of dead people returned to the earth on October 31st.

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Browse &ldquo1933–1938&rdquo

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The Nazi Party assumes control of the German state.

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President Hindenburg suspends constitutional protections in Germany.

The SS establishes the Dachau concentration camp in March 1933.

Members of the Nazi Party and its affiliated organizations organize a nationwide boycott of Jewish-owned businesses in Germany.

German law excludes Jews and other political opponents from civil service positions.

The Law against Overcrowding in Schools and Universities limits the number of Jewish students in public schools.

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Books deemed "un-German" are publicly burned throughout Germany.

New German law mandates the forced sterilization of certain individuals with physical and mental disabilities.

German Jewish organizations join together to form the Reichsvertretung der deutschen Juden.

New German law forbids non-“Aryans” to work in journalism.

A new German law allows courts to order indefinite imprisonment.

Hitler orders the purge of the top leadership of the SA, the Nazi Party paramilitary formation.

Adolf Hitler becomes President of Germany.

Hitler becomes the absolute dictator of Germany.

The German government bans all organizations of the Jehovah's Witness Christian denomination.

Revision of Paragraphs 175 and 175a facilitates the systematic persecution of homosexual men in Nazi Germany.

The Nuremberg Laws of 1935 herald a new wave of antisemitic legislation that brings immediate and concrete segregation.

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The Nazi dictatorship camouflages its racist, militaristic character while hosting the Summer Olympics.

Owens' victory in the 100-meter dash is the first of four gold medals he wins at the 1936 Olympic games.

Buchenwald becomes one of the largest concentration camps established within the old German borders of 1937.

Josef Goebbels and Julius Streicher open the antisemitic exhibition Der Ewige Jude (The Eternal Jew) at the library of the German Museum in Munich, Germany.

On March 11–13, 1938, German troops invade Austria and incorporate Austria into the German Reich in what is known as the Anschluss.

An American woman describes what she witnessed as Hitler entered Vienna.

Hungary adopts comprehensive anti-Jewish laws and measures.

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Delegates from 32 countries attend a conference in Evian, France, to discuss the growing refugee crisis.

A new German law requires Jews bearing first names of “non-Jewish” origin to adopt an additional name: “Israel” for men and “Sara” for women.

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Germany, Italy, Great Britain, and France sign the Munich agreement.

The Reich Ministry of the Interior invalidates all German passports held by Jews. Jews must surrender their old passports, which will become valid only after the letter “J” has been stamped on them.

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In a nationwide pogrom called Kristallnacht, members of the Nazi Party and other Nazi formations burn synagogues, loot Jewish homes and businesses, and kill at least 91 Jews.

Robert Harlan witnessed Kristallnacht. He recorded his observations while traveling to help the parents of a Jewish friend whose house was ransacked.

A new German decree closes all Jewish-owned businesses.

In desperation, Jewish parents send their unaccompanied children abroad to escape Nazi persecution.

Watch the video: Советская кинохроника август 1941 (January 2022).